Vladimir Putin is starting a 48-hour visit to India, where he is set to meet Prime Minister Narendra Modi and attend an regular summit held by the two nations.
Delhi and Russia are poised to sign a number of deals during the visit, which occurs following the US escalated pressure on India to stop purchasing Russian crude oil.
It also happens amid the Donald Trump's administration engaging in a round of negotiations with Russia and Ukraine in an effort to resolve the conflict.
India and Russia have been strategic friends for many years, and Putin and Modi share a warm relationship. Here is a analysis at why they both require each other – and what to look out for as they hold talks.
Why are ties with India key for the Moscow?
Firstly, look at the statistics:
That establishes it as a immensely appealing destination for Russian commodities and raw materials – especially petroleum.
India is the world's third largest user of petroleum and has been buying large volumes from Russia. That was not historically the case. Before the Kremlin's full-scale military action of Ukraine, just 2.5% of India's oil supplies were from Russia.
That figure skyrocketed to 35% as India capitalized on Russian discounted prices caused by restrictions against Moscow and Russia's limited entry to the Western market.
India was happy. Washington was not.
In October, the Trump administration levied an further 25% tax on Indian goods, contending that by purchasing oil from Russia, India was helping to fill the Kremlin's coffers. Orders from India for Russian oil have fallen since then. President Putin will be keen for India to continue purchasing.
For Moscow, arms exports to India are another priority and have been since the Cold War. In the run-up to Putin's visit, there were reports that India intends to buy state-of-the-art Russian combat aircraft and air defence systems.
Russia, facing a workforce shortage, also sees India as a key provider of qualified workers.
But there's geopolitics involved, too.
The Kremlin enjoys proving that US and European efforts to isolate it over the war in Ukraine have been unsuccessful.
Visiting India and meeting Prime Minister Modi is a method of achieving this.
So is going to China and conducting discussions with Xi Jinping, as Putin did three months ago. He conferred with Modi on the same trip. The image of the three leaders laughing and talking with each other conveyed a powerful signal that, regardless of the war in Ukraine, Moscow has major partners who champion the concept of a "global order not dominated by the West".
Russia champions its "unrestricted partnership" with China.
It is no less vocal about its "strategic and favored strategic partnership" with India.
That is a stark contrast to Moscow's tense ties with the EU.
"I think the Kremlin is certain that the West, encompassing Europe, totally failed," believes commentator Andrei Kolesnikov.
"Russia is not alone, because we have links to Asia and the developing world. Economically, this is the coming era. In that sense Russia has come back as the main force in these parts of the globe, similar to the Soviet Union."
This week, though, anticipate to hear about Russia-India friendship, economic agreements and enhanced commercial collaboration between Moscow and Delhi.
Putin's visit to Delhi is taking place at a pivotal time for Modi and India's global ambitions.
India-Russia links extend to the Cold War and have survived irrespective of the changing international landscape.
Putin has reportedly put greater attention into this relationship than other Russian leaders in the past.
As for Modi, notwithstanding being subjected to intense diplomatic pressure from Western governments to condemn Russia over its war in Ukraine, he stated that talks was the best way to resolve the war.
This was India's "independent policy" being exercised – with Modi occupying a unique place in the global hierarchy where he maintained strong ties with Moscow while preserving his rapport with the West at the same time.
That worked – until Trump returned to the White House. India-US ties have hit an historic low in recent months as the two countries have failed to settle the trade stalemate.
In this context, Putin's visit takes on greater significance for Modi than previously because it will test India's foreign policy balancing act. He will be traversing the diplomatic fine line here.
Modi would aim to prove Indians at home and in the wider world that he continues to views Putin as his ally and has not succumbed to influence from Trump, whom he has in the past called his "true friend".
But he has also encountered calls from his allies in Europe – as recently as this week, the German, French and UK ambassadors in India wrote a unusual shared opinion piece in a prominent newspaper criticising Russia's position on Ukraine.
And so, Modi will have to make sure that the strengthening of India-Russia ties does not detract from continuing negotiations with the US and his cooperation with Europe.
"For India, the task is strategic balance – preserving independence while managing influence from Washington and interdependence on Moscow," said a Delhi-based policy institute.
Modi's other aim will be to tap into the opportunities of bilateral trade between India and Russia.
Experts have repeatedly said that the commercial ties between the two strong allies has been below potential for many years.
Their total trade increased to $68.72bn at the end of March 2025, rising from {just
A seasoned casino gaming analyst with over a decade of experience in reviewing online slots and providing strategic insights for players worldwide.